AEVUM

Disagreement still reigns over the significance that Hera’s cult had in Euboea in the Archaic period with some scholarship claiming that she was the primary deity of the Euboeans and other arguing that the goddess’ Euboean associations can only be found in sources that, because of their lateness, are to be considered of dubious value. In the present paper, it is argued that, in fact, there exists a combination of literary, epigraphic and numismatic evidence that firmly places Hera in Euboea in the Archaic period as does further evidence from the oldest Euboean western settlements, Pithecusae and Cumae. The available evidence indicates that her personality and zones of influence diverge considerably from those commonly associated with her in the Classical period.

As Gorgons, complete or represented only by the head, are among the most common decorations on Greek bronze vessels from the Archaic period, it is interesting to examine examples on bronze vessels fragments from the Athenian Acropolis, defining some local characters in the Gorgoneion shape.

The presence of Prodicus in the pseudo-platonic Eryxias and Axiochus constitutes an exception in the corpus of Academic pseudoplatonica. The aim of this paper is not to investigate the presence of effectively Prodicean material in these dialogues, a fact that can be excluded at least for the Axiochus, but to understand the reason underlying the choice of the character. Prodicus seems to specialize for the expression of formulations which the author perceives as insufficient if not plainly wrong: his characterization, which showcases generic traits derived from a series of τόποι in Plato’s dialogues, helps to understand the role he appears to have assumed in the school’s production.

Building on literary and documentary evidence this paper focuses on third-century Hellenistic queenship and its relation with coeval monarchic institutions. It considers the Antigonid instances of queenship, from Phila I to Phthia of Macedonia, to explore the history of the status of the Hellenistic basilissa as well as of the title used to identify it. Stressing the cross-familial and cross-cultural nature of the phenomenon, the study eventually shows that the condition of basilissa altered its meaning according to the spatial and chronological context, owing to the diversity of institutional answers given to specific cultural and administrative requirements.

The purpose of this paper is to analyse the literary traditions concerning the death of Hannibal, with a specific focus on the more detailed account proposed by Nepos (Hann. 12), Livy (XXXIX 51-52), and Plutarch (Flamin. 20). This episode, in fact, still has not deeply studied and, therefore, deserves further attention and interest. The analysis will underline the use of shared sources (especially Polybius and Roman Annalists), points in common, and differences. Moreover, the paper will address chronological issues concerning the exact year of the death of Hannibal, which is still at the centre of a historical debate.

The strategic position of Armenia is the reason behind the centrality that this territory assumed in the Eastern policies of some emperors, who, after conquering it, gained the cognomen Armeniacus. This work intends to shed light on the circumstances that led to the inclusion of this cognomen in the shortlist of the cognomina devictarum gentium of the imperial age, with a focus on the figures of Nero and Constantine, who distinguished themselves for the particular circumstances that bound them to this title. Nero, although not officially awarded the title, was probably the first one to understand the importance of having direct control on Armenia; Constantine, three centuries later, worked to strengthen the bond with this region, already based on the religious community.

The grammarian Epaphroditus of Chaeronea lived and was a successful teacher in Rome during the last quarter of the I c. A.D.; we may find trace of his stay in Rome in fr. 49 B.-B. In order to explain νῶροψ, the Homeric epithet of bronze (Hom. Il. II 578 etc.), Epaphroditus probably mentioned the Norican iron, celebrated in Rome, but less known in the Eastern part of the Empire. Apparently, Epaphroditus took the current etymology (the bronze is so shining that «it does not permit to look at it», i.e. νη- + ὁράω) and also interpreted the epithet as an ethnic (‘Noropian’). The alleged Noropians (Νώροπες) should live in Pannonia, being addicted to work bronze and iron. Geography and etymology are contaminated in the same explanation.

From the second half of the 3th century AD the two different meanings of the term “Germania”, that is the territory beyond the River Rhine and the denomination of two Roman provinces, went through a similar, yet not identical redefinition process. Both underwent a strong semantic restriction: as for the first meaning, it started referring almost exclusively to particular geographical entities of the past. Both Latin and Greek authors of the time were indeed aware of the changed political and military situation in the Roman Empire, so that the word “Germania” was not used anymore to distinguish the politically fragmented regions of the north. At the same time, the term retains a rhetorical relevance in literary texts. As for the two Roman provinces, the semantic restriction of “Germania” meant that the term acquired a more technical meaning. Such a linguistic development reflects the complexity of the geo-political situation north of the Alps in the 4th century and how the practice of administration in the provinces interlaced with imperial propaganda.

This paper enters the debate about the unity of the Cathemerinon and it proposes a tentative solution to the lack of a clear structural patterning in the second part of the collection. To do that, the author reads the hymns 7-12 from the perspective of the liturgical year and demonstrates that the seventh and the eighth poems are referred to Lent and Easter, while the eleventh and the twelfth ones are undoubtedly linked to Christmas and Epiphany; concerning the hymn “for every hour” (Cath. 9) and the one for “the burial of the dead” (Cath. 10), they both may be related to the Ordinary Time. Lastly, the paper draws attention to symmetries of themes, motifs and metres between the two halves of the Cathemerinon.

1) The neoplatonic Hegias as writer of the Corpus Areopagiticum recently proposed by E.S. Mainoldi is a feeble hypothesis, while the arguments for Damascius’ authorship remain unrefuted. 2) In the age of Justinian Christian non-clerical intellectuals looked at theological disputes as unsolvable and as threats to social peace. 3) Dionysius’ serenity is almost isolated in patristic literature. 4) The mocking laugh, which ends Epistle VIII, is announced in advance. 5) Establishing ultimate items in Damascius’ aporetic philosophy is a desperate task. 6) Dionysius and Damascius share the same inconstancies in syntax of moods and negative conjunctions. 7) The “triple Mithras” referred to in Epistle VII is connected with Zoroastrian millenarianism. 8) Among the God’s names Dionysius avoid “Father” as it suggests a kind of natural connection with humans. 9) If God is unknowable, how can Christ be predicated God? He is rather our intellectual life.

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