Several lexemes, which are hapax legomena, appear in the Mycenaean tablets, series TH Av, excavated
at Thebes, Pelopidou street, between 1993 and 1996. These lexemes are personal and ethnical names,
toponyms, names of trades and crafts. Here TH Av 106 is studied: it contains 12 lexemes, 7 of them
are hapax legomena and are personal names.
Thucydides maintains that Hipparchus’ murder by Harmodius and Aristogeiton was a private matter.
Herodotus asserts that the tyrannicide failed to free Athens from Peisistratides’ tyranny. However,
Harmodius and Aristogeiton have been celebrated by the tradition as heroes and freedom fighters in
Athens. This tradition may be explained by the epithet given to them, Gephyraioi. It appears to be
connected with the Tyrannicides’s ethnic group (from the Beotian city of Gephyra), in whose defence
the murder was committed. The ideal point of family group defence would have been shared and
supported by Athenian aristocratics.
The vexata quaestio of the exact meaning of a famous Aristoxenos’ fragment about Poseidonia’s barbarization
(“[the Greeks of Poseidonia] became barbarous Etruscans or Romans”) is here considered.
The main problem focused by modern critics is the double and contemporary presence of Romans
and Etruscans in Poseidonia at the end of fourth century B.C. But the lack of mention of another
people, the Lucans, is more remarkable. The historical context of South Italy at the end of the fourth
century B.C. suggests a new interpretation of Aristoxenos’ text: the alternative “Romans or Etruscans”
could conceal a reference to the alleged Pelasgic origin of the Romans.
The latest facts of Hippias’ public life are examined in the light of statements and allusions included
in the Corpus Platonicum (Protagoras, Hippias Maior, Hippias Minor, Menexenus) and
Tertullian’s Apologeticus. Hippias’ political radicalism and revolutionary temperament are also discussed:
preference of nature to law, criticism of the “tyranny” of laws, relativism and individualism.
Political facts of 385-384 BC are examined in connection with the psychological and intellectual
portrait of Hippias.
Simias of Rhodes (early third century BC) wrote epigrams and carmina figurata, which survived in
full besides a series of fragments from epyllia, hymns and elegiac poems. In § 1 especially, but not
exclusively, these fragments are examined in order to explain some peculiarities of Simias’ work,
which are typical of the Hellenistic poetry, such as the use of rare and difficult words, mixing of
literary genres and dialectal forms, recourse to allegory for his own poems, attitude towards the previous
authors (Homer, archaic epic, Hesiod, Pindar, Sophocles, Euripides), which is caused by desire
for imitation and by will to be different. In § 2 a commentary to Simias’ fragmentary poems is given
(the critical text by Fränkel and Powell is used, but several passages of it are discussed). The surviving
lines are enough to let us know something of Apollo’ and Gorgo’ content and plausibly suggest
that the first poem (§ 2. 1) was a hymn contaminated particularly with epyllion (PMich III 159
is to be assigned to it), the second (§ 2. 2) an epyllion with some love elegy features (fr. 3a, 6-11
FRÄNKEL= fr. 6 POWELL is highly likely to be an excerpt from it). Very short fragments are remnants
from hymns (§ 2. 3), from the elegy Months (§ 2. 4) and other unknown works (§ 2. 5).
Although we are ill informed about the political and military plans of the populares during Sulla’s
Eastern campaign, there are reasons to believe that Cinna’s Liburnian operation in 84 was a defensive
action against a planned offensive by Sulla. Eutropius’ statement that Sulla subdued the Delmatae,
as well as other nuances in the sources, lead to the conclusion that Sulla was trying to find a land
route to Italy, or, at least, to threaten Gallia Cisalpina with the help of the Delmatae, his new allies.
The reasons underlying the composition and dating of the Apocolocyntosis, a satirical pamphlet
traditionally ascribed to Seneca, are debated. Among its manifold aims (parody of Claudius’ divinization?
Nero’s political manifesto? Attack against Agrippina?) the analysis of some passages points
to that of discrediting Agrippina in the eyes of his son. With regard to the dating the author’s polemic
intent against Agrippina would suggest that the Apocolocyntosis was written before her death (A.D.
59), whereas the highly violenct tone leads to the conclusion that it cannot have been composed in
the earliest years of Nero’s reign, when Agrippina still had considerable influence.
The interpretation of Hadrian’s legislation concerning the Christians is here brought into focus. On
the basis of already discussed evidence and of new attestations, especially from the apologist Justin’s
Dialogue with Trypho, the suggested interpretation of Hadrian’s normative text to Minucius Fundanus
is that the Christians were to be condemned only if guilty of specific crimes, not simply for their
nomen Christianum. Beside, the apologies of Quadratus and Aristides are to be dated under Hadrian,
before AD 125, and their probable location in Athens (just as the setting of Justin’s Dialogue is in
Greece in Hadrian’s days) seems to be significant in relation to a philhellenic emperor. If they were
written at the beginning of his reign, they probably influenced Hadrian in his attitude toward the
The Carmen ad quendam senatorem (CSEL, 23, 227-30) is commonly thought to be originated in
the 4th or 5th Century. On the contrary, it cannot belong to the late 4th Century because Christian
religion is mentioned as secta improba, that is a religio illicita, which is not the case in the late 4th
Century. It must be earlier. The Carmen belongs to a period of peace, not of persecution: in the 3rd
Century such a period could be the reign of Philip the Arabian or the first years of Valerian. The
Carmen shows similarities with the Carmen apologeticum of Commodianus, and Commodianus was
a disciple of Cyprian. Cyprian or one of his disciples could be the author of the Carmen.
The political role of Ausonius, of other Gallic officers and Theodosius’ relatives in the accession of
Theodosius I are discussed. Ausonius’s Gratiarum actio for his consulship and other works written
in 378/9 (Precationes consulis designati and Epigramma I Schenkl) are analysed. The silence on
Theodosius in the Gratiarum actio should heighten the praise of Gratianus’s exploits. Gratiarum
actio also asserts the role of Ausonius as a political-dynastic tutor of the young emperor. In 378/9
Ausonius was not isolated in Gallia, but he was well informed about Gratianus’ comitatus in Illyricum:
his informers were probably Gallic friends such as Proculus Gregorius, Siburius and Siagrius. Before
the accession of Theodosius I, these Gallic officers and Eucherius, comes largitionum and Theodosius’
uncle, played a role in Ausonius’ appointment as consul, since Ausonius’ tutorship could provide
support to Gratianus’ dynastic legitimacy.
I vv. 55-78 del carm. 14 di Paolino di Nola sono stati finora considerati un ‘catalogo di pellegrini’ di contenuto
cristiano, modellato su quello ben più famoso dell’Eneide. In realtà l’ampio spazio, che Paolino
dedica ai pellegrini provenienti dalla Campania, in particolare da Capua e da Napoli, e successivamente a
quelli che arrivavano da Roma per la festività di s. Felice, patrono di Nola, rientra nella promozione del
culto di s. Felice, da lui sostenuta. Nei versi dedicati alle città campane Paolino mette in evidenza la simpatia
con cui esse guardavano con grande impegno alla sua iniziativa e, per quanto concerne Roma, l’affetto
che la capitale del mondo cristiano nutriva nei confronti della sua città. Nola si avvicinava a Roma,
in quanto custodiva le spoglie del suo Santo protettore ed era perciò anch’essa una città ‘martiriale’.
‘Creolization’, a term that develops from a linguistic context, can be used as an alternative to that
of ‘romanization’, if understood as a process of Roman-provincial acculturation that adopts a ‘mestizo’
and creole vision. As such, ‘creolization’ is undoubtedly both a contribution and a complement,
however it does not express in its full magnitude the semantic and cultural dimensions conveyed by
the term ‘romanization’.
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