In Rome the war was considered juridically iustum if carried out in compliance with the alliances,
and it was pium against those who committed a religious crime. The existence of a similar concept
of dikaios polemos in Greece is here investigated. The present paper aims at showing if and how
the religious aspects influenced the debate concerning the guilt of the war among the Greek States
in the second half of the Vth Century b.C. Thucydides’ account is the main source. Cases where
religious aspects seem to be determining factors are discussed: when a debate on responsibility of
a war arises, each State tends to plead not guilty using both juridical and religious arguments. In
some instances, the religious argument is conclusive and appears to be so probably also for its connection
with the political propaganda and the popular religious feeling. According to Thucydides’ account,
violation of a religious agreement (agreement usually entered with an oath) is a right cause of war
and on this ground it is supposable that Vth-Century Greece knew the concept of dikaios polemos.
The paper considers two sources, where Praxiphanes and Aristarchus are quoted together about the
same grammatical topics on Hesiod and Homer: (A) PROCLUS, Commentaria in Hesiodi Opera,
PERTUSI, Proleg. Ac, 2.7-20 and (B) P.Oxy. 1086.11-18. The first text deals with the problem of the
prologue of Hesiodus’ Erga, which both grammarians obelized as spurious; the second with their
interpretation of hysteron proteron in Iliad and Odyssea. An emendation to text A is proposed, as
well as two new integrations of lines 12 and 17 of text B. Praxiphanes appears to have been in
Thespies (Beotia), where he might have been looking for Hesiodic documents, have found a manuscript
without the prologue and have got a honorary citizenship (cfr. IG VII 1752.6-7, with the probable
name of his eldest son included in a military list of ephebes); he might also be the authority of
Proclus’ other two claims against the authenticity of the first 10 verses of the Erga. Aristarchus
presumably took his judgment into account. The quotation of Praxiphanes by Aristarchus in the
papyrus of the 1st century B.C. seems to be due to his analysis of the double hysteron proteron in
Od. 11.170-203. Aristarchus recalled it commenting the first real case in Iliad 2.763, with the purpose
to show the same stylistic use in both the poems (homeric sunhvqeia). Praxiphanes, in a different
way, studied the double hysteron proteron in Od. 11.170-203 according to the poetic principle of
In his Historiae (XXII 57, 6) Livy wrote that during the year 216 a.C. two human couples, a Gallic
one and a Greek one, were buried alive in the Foro Boario as an extraordinary sacrifice. A prophecy
written in the Sybilline books claimed that Rome would be conquered by Greeks and Gauls if this
sacrifice was not performed. In Rome this rite was banished in 97 a.C., but the presence of a couple
of Greeks and Gauls buried together is difficult to explain. However, this rite can be considered a
memory of the dangerous situation Rome had to face in the IVth century. Between 386 and 331 a.C.
Rome was really challenged by Greek and Gallic forces because of the aggressive policy of Siracusa.
Dionisius I and Dionisius II of Siracusa employed Gallic mercenaries settled in Apulia and Campania
amongst their troops in order to fight against Cere and her allies, that is Rome and the Etrurian cities.
Nello studio, a partire dal prologo del Phormio, si propone una riflessione sulla capacità di intercettare
gli spazi della tragedia da parte della commedia terenziana. Sebbene il giudizio degli antichi
riconosca a Terenzio un più rigoroso rispetto del mos comicus, l’analisi di alcune sezioni sceniche
mostra con evidenza come all’interno dell’intreccio si possa riscontrare un impiego, pur sempre
equilibrato, dell’elemento patetico, che, a differenza di quanto accade nel teatro plautino, non viene
poi autonomamente ricondotto al versante umoristico dal suo sistematico eccesso.
In 167 A.C. the rhetor Aelius Aristides went to Pergamus in order to plead an important and actual
case for the historical situation: the end of contentions among the towns of the Asian province. For
this purpose he delivered his oration XXIII, a splendid summa of the most frequent topics on the
subject, which he often interpreted in a new way. The analysis of this oration and of its lexicon
sheds light on his character: he is not of a vain rhetor, used to topoi and nostalgic of the past, but
an acute statesman, who knows how to intervene in the new Greek society inside the universal pax
Since the end of the 19th century and after Havet’s explanation, Laevius fr. 5 Bl. (lasciviterque ludunt)
has been usually related to the poem Protesilaudamia and interpreted as part of a love scene. The
earliest meaning of lascivus and its word family (lascivia, lascivio, lascivibundus, lasciviter) are here
carefully investigated and it is suggested that the fragment could refer to the dolphins’ behaviour;
linguistic and metrical arguments suggest to connect it with the poem Sirenocirca.
Lucius Munatius Plancus, who served under Caesar in the Gallic and Civil Wars and was a correspondent
of Cicero, is mentioned by Velleius Paterculus on eight occasions, with regard to events between
43 and 22 B.C. Velleius portrays him in defamatory terms. In order to explain the reasons of Velleius’
resentment, the figure of Munatia Plancina, daughter (or granddaughter) of Plancus, is here investigated.
When Germanicus died in A.D. 19, she was accused by Agrippina of murder, but her life was
saved by Livia’s intercession. Velleius’ violent attack upon Plancina’s family could be interpreted as
an indirect attack against Livia.
The relationship between Bardaisan (and his school) and three Syriac documents has been so far
overlooked by scholars. I shall here analyse these documents and endeavour to point out their connections
with Bardaisan’s milieu. 1) Striking correspondences are highlighted, in thought and even in
expression, connecting the Syriac apology ascribed to Melito with the so-called Liber Legum
Regionum, stemming from Bardaisan’s school, and some authentic fragments of Bardaisan. 2)
According to Moses of Chorene and Barhebraeus, the original nucleus of the Abgar-Addai legend,
subsequently expanded into the Syriac Doctrina Addai, was included in Bardaisan’s historical work
(which Moses calls History of Armenia). Also in the light of Eusebius’ knowledge of Bardaisan’s
work against Fate, I suggest that the initial part of Eusebius’ account of the Abgar-Addai legend
may derive from the aforementioned historical work. 3) The Syriac Acta Thomae ascribe to Thomas,
the apostle of India, a remarkable part of Bardaisan’s argument against Fate, as attested in his Katà
Heimarmenes (partially preserved by Eusebius in Greek) and in the Syriac Liber Legum Regionum.
This convergence is all the more significant in that Ephraem attests that apocryphal Acts of Apostles
were composed by disciples of Bardaisan.
Epigrammata Damasiana (18 and 40 Ferrua) provide evidence that Damasus, a most important deacon
and a supporter of pope Liberius, tried to reconcile the Roman priests with Liberius after his exile.
Damasus’ ecclesiastical action before 366 may help to understand his disputed episcopal election on
Liberius’ death. Roman deacons’ prosopography is helpful in order to detect ecclesiastical factions
and to highlight Damasus’ role among Roman deacons; deacons were involved in the struggle between
Liberius and Felix, the deacon imposed upon the see during Liberius’ exile; Siricius, wich became
bishop of Rome after Damasus, was Damasus’ supporter among deacons. Damasus’ action gained
the majority of consensus in clerical and Christian community. When Damasus was elected bishop
of Rome in 366, the procedure of his appointment was a regular one. While modern studies follow
our fullest account (Gesta inter Liberium et Felicem episcopos) written by a supporter of Ursinus (a
deacon who contrasted Damasus in 366 and got to be ordained bishop), the focus here is on the
documents of papal elections of Siricius and Eulalius/Bonifacius included in the Collectio Avellana.
This section of the Avellana shows that popular acclamation (testimonium) was an important element
of a regular election in order to approve or reject a candidate. In late empire (IVth/Vth century)
popular acclamations for the elections of the bishop of Rome were watched over by imperial administration.
Popular acclamations were juridically recognized by Constantine (CTh 1, 16, 6) and
functioned for a long time. Ambr. Ep. extra coll. 5, 5 (ed. Zelzer) is especially remarkable for a new
intepretation of Ursinus’ failure: Ambrosius’ text would suggest that a popular acclamation disapproved
Ursinus and disapproval was accepted and ratified by Roman administration. This paper argument
is that Roman citizens approved Damasus as they did later for his successor Siricius and that this
popular acclamation was confirmed by imperial intervention.
Sidoine Apollinaire, noble gaulois devenu évêque de Clermont-Ferrand au Ve siècle, illustre bien la
survie de l’otium litteratum cicéronien, idéal inséparable du “culte des Muses” qui s’épanouit dans
les Carmina et dans les parties versifiées de ses Epistulae. Sidoine opère une sélection dans le
catalogue des “neuf soeurs”: Calliope, Clio, Erato, Terpsichore et Thalie. Il leur attribue des domaines
spécifiques, notamment à Thalie, muse d’une comédie “classique” qu’il aime, mais surtout inspiratrice
d’une poésie ludique d’inspiration horatienne. Curieux d’onomastique et d’étymologie savante,
l’évêque révèle ses sources par sa bibliothèque, où les profanes cohabitent avec Augustin et Prudence.
L’influence du cicéronianisme et de sa tradition oratoire jusqu’à Pline le Jeune et Fronton est perceptible,
alors que les sources philosophiques sont ambiguës: notamment celle du platonisme romain.
Sidoine assume la géographie symbolique du royaume des Muses, latinise souvent les Musae en
Camenae, mais il développe surtout, dans le sillage de l’esthétique augustéenne, un symbolisme
dominé par les grandes antinomies de la Poétique.
Ancient Armenian versions of Greek texts make systematic use of lexical calques which provide
matter for etymological researches. The Armenian version (V-VIth Cent. A.D.) of the ‘Dionisian’
Téchne directs to disavow the vulgate etymology of Gr. elegeia, to confirm the more reliable one of
Gr. komodia, and even to discover the correct one of Gr. tragodia (Arm. ol/bergowt‘iwn). In this
paper, after an innovatory analysis on historical-comparative grounds, the original meaning of Gr.
tragodia is shown to be: “voice (Gr. ode / Arm. erg) of the lacerating intimate worry (Gr. trag- /
Arm. ol/b-)” (cfr. Gr. e-trag-o-n, trog-o “to devour”, Arm. t‘owrc “mandible”).
D. ENGELS, Das Römische Vorzeichenwesen (753-27 v.Chr.). Quellen, Terminologie,
Kommentar, historische Entwiklung (M. Sordi), p. 233 - S. FUSAI, Il processo
omerico. Dall’histo-r omerico all’historíe- erodotea (P.A. Tuci), p. 235 - L. BRAVI,
Gli epigrammi di Simonide e le vie della tradizione (S. Barbantani), p. 238 -
E. BIANCO, Lo stratego Timoteo torre di Atene (P.A. Tuci), p. 240 - W. HECKEL,
The conquests of Alexander the Great (L. Prandi), p. 243 - L. LORETO, La grande
strategia di Roma nell’età della prima guerra punica (ca. 273 - ca. 229 a.C.).
L’inizio di un paradosso (A. Galimberti), p. 245 - Corpus dei Papiri Filosofici
Greci e Latini (CPF). Testi e Lessico nei Papiri di cultura greca e latina, Parte
I.2: Cultura e Filosofia (Galenus-Isocrates); Parte IV/2: Tavole (I/2 Galenus-Isocrates)
(S. Barbantani), p. 247 - B. CALLEGHER, Cafarnao IX. Monete dall’area
urbana di Cafarnao (1968-2003) (C. Perassi), p. 252 - La Sicile de Cicéron. Lectures
des Verrines. Actes du colloque de Paris, 19-20 mai 2006. Organisé par
l’UMR 8585. Centre Gustave Glotz, sous la dir. de J. DUBOULOZ - S. PITTIA (A.
Galimberti), p. 257 - P. PARSONS, City of the Sharp-Nosed Fish. Greek Lives in
Roman Egypt (S. Barbantani), p. 259 - W. MEEKS - J. FITZGERALD, The Writings of
St. Paul (I. Ramelli), p. 261 - L. PIROVANO, Le “Interpretationes vergilianae” di
Tiberio Claudio Donato. Problemi di retorica (A. Peri), p. 264 - G. CORTI, Lucifero
di Cagliari. Una voce nel conflitto tra chiesa e impero alla metà del IV secolo
(R. Schembra), p. 267 - Atti di Mar Mari, a c. di I. RAMELLI (J. Perkins),
p. 269 - G. SALANITRO, Alcesta. Cento Vergilianus (L. Castagna), p. 271 - F. MALTOMINI,
Tradizione antologica dell’epigramma greco. Le sillogi minori di età bizantina
e umanistica (S. Barbantani), p. 273 - I. TORZI, Cum ratione mutatio. Procedimenti
stilistici e grammatica semantica (R. Sgarbi), p. 275
A Companion to Linear B Mycenaean Greek Texts and their World, ed. by Y.
DUHOUX - A. MORPURGO DAVIES (C. Milani), p. 279 - Y. LE BOHEC, L’armée romaine
en Afrique et en Gaule (G. Zecchini), p. 279 - D. LASSANDRO - G. MICUNCO,
Opere politiche e filosofiche di M. Tullio Cicerone, III, De natura deorum,
De senectute, De amicitia (I. Ramelli), p. 280 - A. GIOVANNINI - E. GRZYBEK,
Der Prozess Jesu, Jüdische Justizautonomie und römische Strafgewalt: eine
philologisch-verfassungsgeschichtliche Studie (M. Sordi), p. 282 - Espacio y Tiempo
en la percepción de la antigüedad tardía. Homenaje al prof. Antonino González
Blanco, ed. E. CONDE GUERRI - R. GONZÁLEZ FERNÁNDEZ - A. EGEA VIVANCOS
(I. Ramelli), p. 283 - A. SALZANO, Agli inizi della poesia cristiana. Autori
anonimi dei secc. IV-V (C. Somenzi), p. 284 - Claudio Claudiano, De raptu Proserpinae,
a c. di M. ONORATO (C. Riboldi), p. 285 - Biblioteche del mondo antico.
Dalla tradizione orale alla cultura dell’Impero, a c. di A.M. ANDRISANO (G.
Galimberti Biffino), p. 287 - P. LI CAUSI, Generare in comune. Teorie e rappresentazioni
dell’ibrido nel sapere zoologico dei Greci e dei Romani (M. Rivoltella),
p. 288 - ANTIDORON. Studi in onore di Barbara Scardigli Forster, a c. di P.
DESIDERI - M. MOGGI - M. PANI (E. Bianchi), p. 290