In the Greek bronze vessels from the Archaic and Classical periods, basins certainly are the most widespread shape, with a high number of formal and ornamental variants, in particular in the handles. Among these, of particular interest are some specimens in the shape of a lion in an elongated position or, in a simpler form, with only the attachment decorated with a lion’s protome. Two unpublished pieces from the Sanctuary of the Sorgente at Saturo (Ta) offer the opportunity for a review of both variants.
The paper aims at studying the presentation of the sea in Aristophanic comedies, both from the point of view of fishing and the fish trade (§ 1), and from the political and military point of view (§ 2). In all these different areas, there are no indications of any Aristophanes’ distrust of the maritime world, or of its ideological subordination to that of the land. Even if we admit that Aristophanes is close to conservative positions, we must conclude that this does not entail an ideological revulsion against the maritime dimension of the city. As it is well known, in his comedies (and in some of them in particular) Aristophanes’ exalts countryside and peace; but, at the same time, his realist outlook makes him affirm that the τριήρεις καλαί (Av. 108) are protected by Athena (Eq. 1186) and that the rowers are the saviours of the city (Ach. 163). This view, far from being confused or contradictory, is a faithful and sincere mirror of the multifaceted reality of 5th century Athens, of which Aristophanes proves himself to be an attentive and incomparable interpreter.
During the third Syrian War, Ptolemaic Egypt reached its maximum expansion. From the reconstruction of Ptolemy III’s sphere of influence, it emerges that Euergetes’ foreign policy, aligned with a longstanding Ptolemaic hegemonic strategy, sought to ensure effective land and sea defense against potential threats from Asia Minor and it aimed to fortify Ptolemaic Aegean naval supremacy against Antigonid naval power. The acquisition of coastal sites in Phoenicia, Syria, and southern Anatolia, an extensive network of naval military bases in the Aegean, and the control over northwestern coastal regions solidified Ptolemaic influence, maintaining Egypt as a major maritime power under the Euergetes’ reign.
Some verses of the book of Qoheleth (or Ecclesiastes) concerning monarchs have been interpreted over the centuries as references to Hellenistic kings. Here is an updated status on the interpretation of Ecl 10, 16 (but also 4, 13-16) as a reference to King Ptolemy V of Egypt (204-180 BC) and his court – including a concise reflection on the concepts of authorial intention and exemplum historicum, and their interpretation.
This paper deals with a passage from the Reliquiae of Granius Licinianus (XXXV 85-94) concerning the Bithynian succession crisis. In 94 BCE, Nicomedes IV Philopator ascended to the throne, but soon his half-brother Socrates Chrestòs claimed his rights to the throne. Infact, Socrates occupied the kingdom and Nicomedes IV was forced to flee to Rome. After discussing the evidence of Appian, Trogus/Justin, and Memnon, the paper will focus on Licinianus’ account of the Bithynian crisis. In particular, the current interpretation of a phrase in Licinianus’ passage (XXXV 90) is rejected and a new restoration of the text is proposed.
According to the literary sources, Hadrian was not adopted by the Optimus princeps when he was alive but ascended to the imperial throne thanks to an intrigue orchestrated by Plotina. Modern historians are still debating intensively about this issue. This is why two schools of thought have emerged: the first maintains that the adoption was orchestrated by his wife; the second states that the adoption of the princeps was decided by the Optimus princeps. In this study we come back to this topic and try, through the intersection of literary and archaeological sources, to demonstrate that Trajan had already chosen Hadrian as his successor since 114.
Roman emperors owned properties all over the provinces of the Roman empire, which are mainly attested in Africa, Asia or Egypt, and less known in other provinces. By combining a solid survey of literary, epigraphic, and archaeological sources, this work tracks down imperial properties in Gallia Narbonensis. The evidence in this province for the property of Annia Fundania Faustina, a relative of Antoninus Pius, whose family was originally from Nîmes, would suggest the importance that family properties might have had in the symbolic making of imperial dynasty.
Textual and linguistic observations on Origen’s Second Homily on Psalm 36, published for the first time in 2015: examinatio and emendatio of 15 passages.
Augustine quotes only twice (Aug. soliloq. 2, 15, 29; epist. 7, 2, 4) a Pacuvian verse (Pacuv. fr. inc. XXXVI, 397 Ribb3. = fr. IX, 260 D’Anna. = 171*** Schierl). This iambic senarius is from the Medus and refers to Medea’s flying chariot. According to the academic tradition, Augustine took the verse from Cic. inv. 1, 27; rep. 3, 14 since he was no longer able to read Pacuvius directly. Anyway, Cicero, unlike what happens in the two Augustinian loci, does not report the name of Medea. Therefore, the present article aims to show that Augustine may have integrated the Ciceronian texts which quote the Pacuvian verse with another (secondary) iconographic/literary Zwischenquelle.
The aim of this paper is to analyze a relatively unexplored period in the biography of the Gothic leader Alaric, the years between 398 and 400. After a brief overview to the historical context, the first part engages the historiographical debate surrounding a passage from Sinesio’s De Regno (Syn. De Reg. 20) and the identification of the subject of this part of the text. The second part proposes an analysis of Alaric’s temporary absence from the sources during this period, emphasizing some remarkable aspects of the integration of barbarian generals into the government of Constantinople at the beginning of the 5th century, underlining some features of Alaric’s political position. The third and final segment explores the network of connections that Alaric may have developed during his tenure as magister militum per Illyricum, highlighting how some relationships may have played a role in his non-participation in the Gainas revolt.
The article detects two corruptions in Boethius (In Porph. comm. pr. 2, 32 si quid llud est; De consolatione Philosophiae 3 X, 2 quos fallax ligat improbis catenis), which have been overlooked or underestimated by scholars, and puts forward two possible emendations (si quid aliud est; quos ligat fallax variis catenis).
At the beginning of the sixth century CE, the Egyptian monk Cosmas Indicopleustes accomplished a journey to the principal ports of the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. When he returned to Egypt, he wrote an account of the places he visited, namely the Topographia Christiana. In its eleventh book, some Indian plants and spices are described (e.g., Gr. πίπερ corresponding to Skt. pippalī) or mentioned (e.g., Gr. τζανδάνα corresponding to Skt. candana). The present contribution intends to examine these accounts of vegetable species (Cosmas Indic. XI, 10; XI, 11; XI, 15) from a double perspective: on the one side, it analyses the Greek traditions on plants, providing an overview of the species found in Cosmas’ work; on the other, it compares the pieces of information singled out by Cosmas with Indian sources to verify the reliability of the Topographia Christiana and, likewise, its dependence on earlier Greek botanical and medical traditions.
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