Carlo Maria Mazzucchi
Restauro e interpretazione dell’epistola a Tarasio digital
formato: Articolo | AEVUM - 2021 - 2
The damage of the first sheet of codex Marc. gr. 450 (beginning of the X cent.) and its repair with a strip of parchement showing a medical text by an eleventh century hand. A critical edition of Photius’ epistle to Tarasius (with new supplements for the lacunae in the text) and of his afterword from Marc. gr. 451 (with a textual recovery)...
De compositione et nomine lexici Sudae digital
formato: Articolo | AEVUM - 2020 - 2
Suda’s core are Hesychius’ Ὀνοματολόγος, the revised Συναγωγή and the Lexicon Ambrosianum, rearranged in alphabetic order adapted to contemporary pronunciation. Material was added to this mass from more than forty sources, whose selection lacks of definite guidelines besides a minor interest in religious matters. It was quite probably a collective work of a school circle...
Areopagitica nova digital
formato: Articolo | AEVUM - 2020 - 1
1) The neoplatonic Hegias as writer of the Corpus Areopagiticum recently proposed by E.S. Mainoldi is a feeble hypothesis, while the arguments for Damascius’ authorship remain unrefuted. 2) In the age of Justinian Christian non-clerical intellectuals looked at theological disputes as unsolvable and as threats to social peace. 3) Dionysius’ serenity is almost isolated in patristic literature...
L’ex libris di Giovanni Camatero e versi inediti di Tzetzes nel codice Ambrosiano M 66 sup. digital
formato: Articolo | AEVUM - 2019 - 2
The handwriting supposed to be that of John Camateros patriarch of Constantinople appears in some marginal annotations of the manuscript Ambr. M 66 sup. (late 10th century; rhetorical works of Aphthonius and Hermogenes).
Paulus, Lucas, Epimenides, Damaris (Actus Apostolorum 17, 19-34) digital
formato: Articolo | AEVUM - 2019 - 1
In Paul’s speech before the Areopagus two points, viz. the altar of the unknown God and the concealed reference to a verse before the quotation from Aratus, are connected with Epimenides, one of the seven sages, and his poems. A third occurrence of the Cretan wise is at the beginning of the Epistle to Titus. The source of this knowledge is questionable (an Athenian friend of the apostle?). The elsewhere unattested name Damaris is probably a misunderstanding of the dignified common noun damar the Areopagites used for their wives...
Impudens societas, sive Iohannes Scythopolitanus conscius Areopagiticae fraudi digital
formato: Articolo | AEVUM - 2017 - 2
It is only through a scholion of John of Scythopolis that Crispus’ vision in the eight letter of Dionysius Areopagites can be traced back to an episode of Damascius’ life. This shows that the exegete was an aware accomplice in the forgery...
Iterum de Damascio Areopagita digital
formato: Articolo | AEVUM - 2013 - 1
Further arguments are offered for Damascius’ authorship of Corpus Dionysiacum. The question of whether or not Isidoros and Hierotheos could be seen isosyllabical is discussed (1). The author amuses himself inserting into Christian vocabulary the name of Arabic deity Theandrios (2), giving primacy among sacraments to the consecration of myron as an analogue of the Orphic rites (3) and affirming that Proclus’ theory of eros is superior to Paul’s teaching of agape (4). He raises funeral rites to a sacrament to promote his own doctrine of the after death reward, a doctrine where Christ’s redemption is unconsidered. On the other hand Trinitarianism fits Damascius’ philosophy quite well (5). The defence of infant baptism is an assertion of God’s incomprehensibility and a way of persuading the unconscious reader that the author is the desired master (6). Even in those few passages where he speaks of deliberately chosen evil his reflections are consistent with Neoplatonic teaching about the human soul as it is both: doomed by nature to error and free (7). Dionysius’ style can be identified, within the various kinds of literary styles stated by Hermogenes, with a reinforced peribole. Photius, an unsurpassed judge of Greek prose, ascribes this quality to Paul, Damascius and Maximus the Confessor, thus showing a direct link. Dionysius endeavoured to surpass Paul’s peribole aiming to become more authoritative and sublime than the Apostle himself (8). A new kind of inquiry is applied to words opening sentences; the comparison of Proclus, Damascius, Dionysius, Simplicius, shows a remarkable convergence of Damascius and Dionysius in contrast to the others (9). The lexical equipment of the four writers is very similar, but a stronger taste for the word teletarches and one of Platonic expressions is peculiar to Damascius and Dionysius (10). Author’s main invention is hierarchy, a term inspired by inscriptions of the Oropus sanctuary (11). If Dionysius was a Christian pupil of Damascius, who succeeded to became his alter ego, the task had to be accomplished when he was still sitting in the classroom (12). The aim of this disparaging fiction was to make Platonism of the persecuted philosophers the substance of Christian theology (13).
Venetus A e Ambr. B 114 sup.: due codici del medesimo copista e la loro storia digital
formato: Articolo | AEVUM - 2012 - 2
SUMMARY: One and the same scribe copied MS Venetus A of the Iliad (Venice, Bibl. Marciana, Gr. 454) and MS Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, B 114 sup., with Gregory of Nazianzus. Both MSS are studied in their script (with a new method of majuscule letter percentage calculation), codicological structure and ornamentation. A probable common 12th-century owner and the later history of both codices are reconstructed (A in Norman Sicily, then – 14th cent. – in Terra d’Otranto; the Ambrosian Gregory in Epirus). The arrangement of the texts, critical remarks and scholia are explained. The two MSS do not reproduce similar antigrapha. A unites text of a late-ancient codex of Iliad with Apion-Herodoros’s hypomnema. There is evidence for a supervisor. On Apion and Herodoros: these names cannot be a forgery by Eustathius, but likely go back to the sixth century. The presence of Choiroboschus in the scholia of A is not proved; the latest author quoted is Orion. Both text and commentary to the Iliad derive from the activity of a Christian Neoplatonic school, presumably Alexandrian. A was assembled on the basis of schedae containing each the commentary on 25 verses, and is an instance of Costantine’s VII patronage. Inter alia: the writer and owner of the famous Ambr. C 222 inf. was a clerk of the Department of the Sea, who wrote a Patmian document in 1195. A new edition and translation of the philological epistle of the Anonymus Londinensis is given in the Appendix.
In Galenum novum digital
formato: Articolo | AEVUM - 2012 - 1
SUMMARY: An unknown treatise of Galen on freedom from pain has been recently discovered in a 15th century MS, Thessalonicensis Vlatadon 14. This paper suggests more than a hundred emendations to the Greek text edited by Ve´ronique Boudon-Millot and Jacques Jouanna, with the assistance of Antoine Pietrobelli, Galien. Ne pas se chagriner, Paris, Les Belles Lettres, 2010 (Collection des Universités de France, Galien, IV).
Uno sconosciuto codice greco di lessicografia digital
formato: Articolo | AEVUM - 2009 - 2
An unknown greek codex, mainly of lexicography (Rovereto, Biblioteca Civica, ms. 28; parchment; XIIIth/XIVth c., from a provincial area, maybe Greece; copied by Meletios hieromonachos) is described; three iambic poems (two of forensic milieu and a riddle) are published and translated.
Damascio, autore del Corpus Dionysiacum, e il dialogo __________________ digital
formato: Articolo | AEVUM - 2006 - 2
Il Corpus Dionysiacum come finzione letteraria. Natura e scopo del falso; sua prima circolazione. La vita di Damascio spiega il personaggio dello pseudo-Dionigi; triplice, ricercata corrispondenza fra i nomi dei protagonisti. L’ultima controffensiva del paganesimo. Il messaggio politico dei testi areopagitici e del dialogo.
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